listen here to the message:
Dear friends,
we are sending you a weekly update from Rojava, the heart of the women’s revolution.
Rojava is located in Northern and Eastern Syria. Since 2013, the people here have been living a revolution and organizing themselves through communes, councils, and women’s structures. They are building a social model based on democratic confederalism.
The concept of democratic confederalism was developed by Abdullah Öcalan, the leader of the Kurdish freedom movement. The term describes a grassroots democratic system of self-administration that is not controlled by the state, but instead builds democracy from within society itself. One of the central pillars of this social model is the self-determination and liberation of women.
Family Law formerly Women’s Law
One major issue currently occupying society and being discussed in the negotiations between the Syrian transitional government and the Autonomous Self-Administration is the question of justice and the legal system.
The Autonomous Self-Administration has its own justice system, which includes a women’s/family law.
The Women’s Law was adopted in 2014 and establishes the rights of women and children. It consists of 30 principles and is based on an understanding of building a democratic and ecological society on the foundation of women’s liberation.
We must understand that, in this model, society is not centered around the individual, but around the collective community. Such an approach is hardly imaginable in a capitalist society and can only function through strong ethics and collective moral responsibility.
The chairwoman of the Women’s Committee, Emîne Omer, describes the beginning of their work with the following words:
“At the beginning, we were only a few women ready to take on the burden of responsibility. We did not even have our own spaces, but we began our work with great joy. To stop violence against women, the first thing we did was establish women’s centers, ‘Mala Jin,’ counseling and solidarity centers for women facing legal and social problems.”
Principles
The 30 principles create a legal framework that guarantees political rights through the co-chair system and autonomous women’s organizing.
The law establishes equal pay for men and women and prohibits all forms of sexism and violence against women. It became the responsibility of everyone to fight against dominant and reactionary attitudes.
Violence legitimized through patriarchal and religious customary law – such as the marriage of minors, forced marriages, polygamous marriages for men, unilateral divorce rights for men, or discrimination against women in inheritance and court testimony – is prohibited.
Perpetrators of so-called “honor killings” no longer receive mitigating circumstances, as was the case under Syrian criminal law, but are punished according to standard murder legislation. The practice of “bride price” is abolished because it reduces women to commodities. In court cases concerning women’s private rights and family law, a representative of women’s institutions must be present in an advisory role.
This achievement of the women’s revolution is now under acute threat. The Syrian transitional government rejects the Women’s Law – renamed Family Law in 2021 – and is currently reviewing the judicial decisions made by the Autonomous Self-Administration over the past twelve years to determine whether they conform to Syrian law.
Negotiations
Looking at the developments in the negotiations, we can already see that the transitional government has not secured women’s rights so far.
The co-chair system is not being continued, women are not represented in administrative offices, and the YPJ as a women’s defense force is also not meant to be officially recognized.
According to the latest statements by Mazlum Abdi, co-chair of the Autonomous Self-Administration, lists are now being prepared to at least secure the positions of judges from Rojava. These are expected to be recognized by the transitional government.
At the same time, the Syrian transitional government plans to require all people working within the justice system to possess formal academic qualifications. This means that many people could lose their jobs despite having years of practical experience and training.
Kurdish Language
Another issue that is highly present in everyday life is the negotiations around the recognition of the Kurdish language and the languages of all minorities.
Recently, the Syrian transitional government replaced the justice building sign in Hesekê, which had been written in both Arabic and Kurdish.
The new sign only included Arabic and English.
This act of gradual erasure and replacement reveals the true mentality of the state. Bar associations accuse Damascus of marginalizing the Kurdish language.
Thousands of people gathered in front of the justice buildings in Hesekê and Qamishlo to protest against the denial of cultural and linguistic rights of Kurds in Syria. They condemned the removal of Kurdish inscriptions.
According to recent statements by Mazlum Abdi, the new sign is only supposed to remain temporarily, and bilingual Arabic-Kurdish signs will be restored in other cities.
In the cities of Dêrik and Tirbespiyî, hundreds of students, teachers, and residents took to the streets demanding recognition of the Kurdish language in Syria.
The demonstrators demanded that Kurdish be recognized as an official mother tongue in a new Syrian constitution and that educational rights be permanently protected.
Participants carried banners with slogans such as:
“Our language is our identity,”
“Language is a red line – whoever ignores it loses legitimacy,”
and
“Every Kurdish word is a story.”
Throughout the march, people repeatedly chanted: “Bê ziman jiyan nabe” (“Without language there is no life”).
The Rojava University is making the same demands. Through a protest march in Qamishlo, students and teachers called for the official recognition of the Kurdish language in Syria.
Prisoner Exchange
In recent days, many gunshots and fireworks could be heard and seen. The shots were celebratory fire welcoming released hostages returning from captivity under the Syrian transitional government.
A total of 232 people were released, including security forces of the Autonomous Self-Administration and civilians.
Family members and friends are relieved. For months – and in some cases years – they lived in constant uncertainty, not knowing whether their children were among the hostages, whether they were still alive, how they were being treated, or whether they were being tortured.
Since the offensive in January, around 4,000 people had been considered missing. So far, 1,032 have been released. The others are still missing.
Every week, people take to the streets demanding the release of their loved ones. These demonstrations are powerful expressions of grief and anger, organized by society itself.
Sehîd Mizgîn
On May 11, people throughout Kurdistan and around the world commemorated the pioneer Sehîd Hozan Mizgîn.
Through her life, struggle, and resistance, Hozan Mizgîn became a symbol of the martyrs of the cultural and artistic movement. She became the voice of Kurdish truth.
In 1980, she joined the freedom struggle. She deeply believed in the ideas of Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan and traveled to Lebanon to meet him.
Têrêj Roj, active in the Kurdish cultural commune Tev-Çand, describes her as “a personality whose voice we grew up with since childhood.”
“She was not only an artist, but also a commander who played a leading role in the mountains,” he says.
As one of the first women, she publicly fought against the oppression of women in the Middle East. She was among the few women who played musical instruments and sang publicly in Kurdish. She became a pioneer of artistic resistance against assimilation by the Turkish state.
Playing instruments and singing in Kurdish were forbidden in Turkey, especially for women. Even today, repression against the Kurdish language continues.
Comrade Mizgîn once said:
“I will never abandon my clothing or my Kurdish culture. I will never do anything that would disturb my people, nor will I move toward such things.”
Hozan Mizgîn played a central role in protecting Kurdish language and culture against state assimilation policies. She not only worked artistically, but also helped build cultural structures such as Koma Berxwedan.
She shaped a revolutionary style of music and art for all of Kurdistan. She possessed the revolutionary ability to create something out of nothing.
“Especially her voice still has a deep impact on many people today,” says Têrêj Roj.
“When I hear her voice today, I recognize within it the secret of revolution and freedom. That voice carries the pain, hope, and history of our people.”
YPJ Campaign
Finally, we call on you to participate in the solidarity campaign for the recognition of the women’s defense units, the YPJ, within the Syrian army.
The YPJ is a fundamental pillar in the negotiations to secure women’s rights and institutions throughout Syria. Without the YPJ, there will be no democracy in Syria.
Therefore, send us solidarity videos or write us letters about what the YPJ means to you and to your struggles around the world.
Carry the meaning of the YPJ into society – to your neighbors and workplaces. Speak about the importance of democracy in Syria and women’s rights worldwide. Share your knowledge and your perspective.
You can find more information on the Women Defend Rojava website.
With this, we send you revolutionary greetings from Rojava.
